Political Activism Successes
The successes of the Brexit and Trump campaigns point to the feasibility of advancing Western identitarian goals through electoral politics. In Australia, the same indication is provided by the success of parties that, together, are breaking the political duopoly that has dominated government since the Second World War. Minor parties’ collective share of the national vote rose sharply at the 2016 federal elections. In late 2017 it had reached about 30 percent of the vote and appears to be rising.
These minor parties challenge taboos – “political correctness” – and are supported mainly by Anglo and others of European descent. They include Pauline Hanson’s One Nation party, the Shooters, Fishers and Farmers Party, the Liberal Democrat headed by Senator David Leyonhjelm, and Katter’s Australian Party led by Senator Bob Katter. The trend is apparent to an extent in two parties that emphasise Christian values, the Australian Conservatives led by Senator Cory Bernardi, and the Christian Democratic Party, led by Reverend Fred Nile.
The greatest success was enjoyed by Pauline Hanson, whose party won four Senate positions (from a total of 76) in the 2016 federal election. Her support came from people who felt betrayed by the political class’s support of globalism, who were hurting economically and concerned with the immigration-induced demographic transformation evident in the capital cities. Many were disturbed by domestic Islamist terrorism and attributed this to both mainstream parties allowing large-scale Muslim immigration. They were concerned about foreign purchases of the best farms and infrastructure. They were tired of the constant sniping from the PC industry. They felt, not without justification, that they were losing their country.
The electoral base of these minor parties consisted mainly of Anglo-Australians, defined broadly to mean individuals who have assimilated and identify with the British-derived nation that provided the explorers and pioneers, the iconic poets such as Henry Lawson, and the Anzacs of the two world wars. A demographic analysis of Pauline Hanson’s supporters by John Black shows them to be situated in regional areas and outer suburbs of large cities. They are tradespeople and retirees, all predominantly Anglo categories.1Precise figures are not provided, but the Anglo share of One Nation voters was greater than their two-thirds share of the overall population. The European share of One Nation voters was greater than their 80% of the population.
Not all parties with an Anglo base are patriotic. The so-called Greens are an example. Their voters are largely inner-city professionals. They advance policies typical of the anti-Western, anti-Christian, university-indoctrinated inner-city demographics. The other minor parties inadvertently defend Anglo interests as the consequence of advancing policies that protect traditional lifestyles and Christian values.
In a subsequent analysis, Black observed that the Turnbull government was attempting to win back One Nation voters by tough talk about citizenship and refugees.2 He argued that Turnbull was mindful of Senator Hanson’s wide support from “English-speaking Anzacs”, “English-speakers”, “Kiwis”, “disaffected and angry, white, Australian-born English speakers”, and “Poms”, the great majority being immigration conservatives.
Further evidence of ethnic polarisation comes from the 2016 census analysed by Rick Morton, The Australian’s social affairs writer, and demographer Bernard Salt. Articles by them appeared in The Weekend Australian, 15 April 2017.3 They report that large-scale Chinese and Indian immigration is transforming Sydney and Melbourne, driving the Anglo population towards minority status. This is “contributing to a split down the middle of the country between Australia’s colonial past and its future.” Morton adheres to The Australian’s long-term editorial line by implying that Asianisation is inevitable and that Anglo-Australia represents the colonial past. Bernard Salt then analysed the figures reported by Morton. He agreed that Australia is being cleft in two by high levels of ethnically unselected immigration. He noted that if these migration trends remain in place for a few more decades, the result will be a “redefinition of the once reasonably united Australian people”.
Such radical transformation and the resulting conflict and intensification of majority ethnic identity helps explain the increasing success of protest parties, especially the popular-nationalist One Nation.
As noted, most One Nation supporters are Anglo Australians who reject “political correctness”, the coercive edge of the left-multicultural establishment. The racial discrimination being practised against mainstream Australians is becoming increasingly obvious.4 The ironically-named human rights industry mainly targets the Anglo population. As political scientist Jennifer Oriel commented, the cultural Marxist left has “promoted minority supremacy” over Western majorities by keeping immigration doors open, punishing conservative speech and taking over institutions such as the ABC. Brexit and Trump are early shots in the “fight for the West”. Oriel declares the need to “take our civilisation back.”5
The German-American economist and social theorist Hans-Hermann Hoppe adopts a libertarian perspective but implies that it overlaps ethnic nationalism. He seeks to identify the most likely supporters of movements that oppose globalism, multiculturalism and unrestricted immigration. They are, he maintains, similar to Pauline Hanson’s base:
Given the present constellation of affairs, any promising libertarian strategy must, very much as the alt-right has recognized, first and foremost be tailored and addressed to this group of the most severely victimized people: white married Christian couples, in particular if they belong to the class of taxpayers rather than tax consumers, and everyone most closely resembling or aspiring to this standard form of social order and organization can be realistically expected to be the most receptive audience for the libertarian message.6
One Nation’s appeal to Anglo Australians has profound implications. A party could dominate Australian politics if it became identified in the public mind as representing mainstream Australia. At the same time, the census reveals the nation is splitting into ethnic zones, accelerating the rise of identity politics, including among Anglo Australians. The makeup of One Nation’s supporters shows that the nation is not as far gone as its enemies hope, that survival is possible. For many journalists and commentators, it is a bitter fact that the original Australian nation is not dead.
One Nation is showing the honesty and courage necessary to represent mainstream Australians and thus the national interest, especially on the issues of Islamic immigration, foreign ownership, and leftist bias in public broadcasting. The party would be allocating resources efficiently if it invested in appealing to its Anglo base, because Anglos are most likely to respond positively and because they are a majority of the population.
As a nationalist party that represents the majority population, One Nation or its successors could become a major political force. However, there are obstacles to achieving this, the greatest being that the party’s ethnic appeal is due to the intuitions of the leadership. Party leaders care about Australia and are courageous but like the mainstream parties are not versed in the sociology or history of ethnicity and nationalism. Their ethnic vision of society is implicit. Beyond Pauline Hanson’s wish that Australia returns to a relatively united culture, her party has not described the Australia they want in realistic demographic terms. This places One Nation among conventional political parties, not at the cutting edge of reform and renewal.
Pauline Hanson’s biographer, Anna Broinowski, summarises her nationalism as a deep nostalgia for the monocultural Anglo society of her childhood.7 The left and minority chauvinists disparage nostalgia for any European society. In reality, it is noble to be nostalgic for the sense of belonging and community that Australia is losing. There is nothing wrong with such emotion as part of a social vision. But nostalgia can only serve that function if it is attached to analysis. That requires cultural expertise and vision. Politicians cannot be expected to cover all bases. They rely on intellectuals in the humanities and social sciences. The anti-national left’s domination of the universities helps explain why nationalist social analysis is weak.
A clear factual narrative would explain how the cultural elite became alienated from the nation and how its affections can be reclaimed. There could also be a vision of how Australia can return to its traditional Western identity while maintaining its trade and diplomatic connections in the Asia-Pacific region. Educating the public would be a cultural investment with political benefits. The necessary resources – parliamentary and media platforms and funds for research – are being acquired through electoral victories. Political leaders could exploit cultural capital by the following:
1. Talking about how cultural and racial diversity undermines social cohesion;
2. Introducing the public to the meaning and benefits of nationhood and its reliance on a dominant and confident core ethnic identity;
3. Explaining that multiculturalism is an ethnic hierarchy that subordinates Anglo Australians;
4. Linking indigenous identity to Australia’s historic Anglo identity;
5. Maintaining a rational rage against the corruption of the universities and proposing remedial policies;
6. Working with responsible protest groups to defend the right to public assembly;
7. Explaining how the ANZACs have been betrayed by abrogating the social contract between generations. They did not fight and die for open borders or multiculturalism or foreign ownership;
8. Formulating and transmitting these messages would be made possible by working with nationalist think tanks to obtain analysis and personnel. The identitarian political front cannot advance far without drawing on advances in the culture war.
Excerpt: Strategic Considerations for Anglo-Australian Identitarians